Samson Occum, leader of the New England Brothertown religious movement (not to be confused with the NJ Brotherton community),
had a long association with the Delaware Indians. After his time as Eleazar Wheelock's first Indian pupil, Occum became
a minister. Based upon his success in religious education, Wheelock began his Indian School in Connecticut, where his
first two pupils were Delaware Indian boys from John Brainerd's Bethel Mission settlement in present-day Monroe Township,
The following information details Occum's visit to Brotherton and Weekping (Coaxen):
From Love's Life of Occom (p. 276):
Fundraising mission of Occom and others to New York, New Jersey
To all Benevolent Gentlemen, to Whom these following lines may make their appearance.
who lately mov'd from Several Tribes of Indians in New England, and Setled here in Oneida Country. And we also Muhheeconnuck
Tribe, who lately came from Housotonuk alias Stockbridge, and have settled in Oneida, And finding it our indispensible Duty
to maintain the Christian Religion amongst ourselves in our Towns, And from this Consideration, Some of us desired our Dear
Brother, the Rev d Samfon Occom, to give us a visit, and accordingly, he came up two years ago this Fall, and he was here
a few Days; and his preaching came with great weight upon our Minds. And he has been here two Summers and Falls since. And
we must confess to the Glory of God, that God has made him an Eminant Instrument amongst us, of a Great and Remarkable Reformation.
And have now given him a Call to Settle amongst us, and be our Minister that we may enjoy the glorious Doctrines and ordinances
of the New Testament.
And he has accepted our Call. But we for ourselves very weak, we c'd do but very little for him.
And we want to have him live comfortable.
The late unhappy wars have Stript us almost Naked of every thing, our Temporal
enjoyments are greatly lesstened, our Numbers vastly diminished, by being warmly engaged in favour of the United States. Tho'
we had no immediate Business with it, and our Spiritual enjoyments and Priviledges are all gone. The Fountains abroad, that
use to water and refresh our Wilderness are all Dryed up, and the Springs that use to rise near are ceased. And we are truly
like the man that fell among Thieves, that was Stript, wounded and left half dead in the high way. And our Wheat was blasted
and our Corn and Beans were Frost bitten and kill'd this year. And our moving up here was expensive and these have brought
us to great Necessity And these things have brought us to a resolution to try to get a little help from the People of God,
for the present; for we have determined to .be independent as fast as we can, that we may be no longer troublesome to our
good Friends, And therefore our most humble Request and Petition is, to the Friends of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ, [that
they] would take notice of us, and help us in encourageing our Dear Minister, in Communicating Such Things that may Support
him and his Family. This is
the most humble request and Petition of the Publicks true Friend & Brothers
Novr 28: 1787
Novr 29: 1787.
Conn. Hist. Soc., Indian Papers.
From Occom's Journal
- portions of above-referenced trip [edited by RW for clarity].
December 28, 1787:
New Windsor, New York
Mr. Brewsters at Blooming Grove; Robinsons Tavern; Florida
December 30, 1787:
Mr. Smith's Public House
January 1, 1788:
To Rev. Baldwin's house and lodged.
January 2, 1788:
to Parsippany to Mr. Grovers and then back towards Rev. Baldwin.
January 3, 1788:
In same area.
January 4, 1788:
Called at Rev. Green's and then went to Mr. Chapmans at Newark mountains [Jebediah Chapman was the master of the Orange
Dale Academy. In 1790, Occom sent New Stockbridge resident John Quinney to the Academy.] Went to Crain's Town and lodged with
at Mr. Crain's.
January 5, 1788:
Set off for Horse Neck and put up at Esq. Crain's.
January 6, 1788:
meeting, went on about three or four miles and lodged there.
January 7, 1788:
Towards Morristown, stopped at Mr. Grover's
and later lodged at Morristown.
January 8, 1788:
Went to Basking Ridge and attended the funeral of Rev. Canadas daughter.
January 9, 1788:
Got to Mill Stone and put up at a tavern.
January 10, 1788:
At noon, arrived at Dr. Witherspoon's
house at Prince Town. Left and traveled to Black Horse Tavern (Columbus, Burlington County, New Jersey).
January 11, 1788:
After eating, went on again. Got to Quakson towards night where there were three or four families of Indians, we called
in at one, and they appeared extremely poor, so we went on and put up at a tavern [Red Lion?]. It was cold and we set up long
and I was ill with a cold and cough.
January 12, 1788:
After breakfast, set off again and got to Agepelack [Edgepillock]
some time before night. Stopped and stayed at Friend Mytop's house. I was very poor with my cold and coughed much.
January 13, 1788:
Felt a little better and about 11 went to meeting, and there was not many people they had but little
notice. I spoke from the Words, that which is wanting &c and the people attended well. After the service I went home with
Daniel Simon to his mother-in-laws house [Widow Calvin] and stayed there all the week. Daniel Simon lost an only child this
week and I preached a funeral discourse from the Words Set thy House &c and we had singing meetings every night, and prayed
with them and gave them a word of exhortation.
Sabbath, January 20, 1788:
Preached here again and it was very bad
traveling, and there was a considerable number of people collected, and I spoke from [ ] and the people attended well, and
after the meeting went back to Widow Calvin's [widow of Stephen Calvin, son-in-law of Weequehela] and in the evening people
came together and we had an exercise with Christian cards and we sang and prayed and it was a solemn time. Many were affected,
and the people were very loath to leave the place & they stayed late.
January 21, 1788:
We were up early and got
ready as soon as we could. We took leave of the family and others came to take leave of us, and so we directed our course
to Philadelphia and in the evening we got to the river against the City and we put up in a tavern one Friend Cooper.
About 10 we left Philadelphia and it was bad crossing the river. We went on ice most of the way over, and it
was a cold day, and in the evening we got to Moorestown and Brother David [David Fowler] was sick, & Peter [Pauquunnuppeet]
went [to] Agepelack, and dined and lodged in a tavern.
February 23, 1788:
I went to Quakson [Coaxen] and left David
very sick [at Moorestown] and got there before noon, and put up at a public house. In the afternoon, went to an Indian house,
and towards night went to a public house.
February 24, 1788:
About 11 went to meeting to a meeting house which Mr.
John Brainerd used to preach to a number of Indians and there was considerable [number] of people and I spoke from Acts XI.26
and some time towards night, we went to Mount Holly, got there near sun set and we put up at Dr. Ross and David was very sick,
and here we stayed some days, and I preached four times in this place.
February 29, 1788:
I left Mount Holly and left
David there as he was not well enough to set out. I got to Trenton in the evening. Called on Rev. Armstrong, but he was not
home, so I went to a public house.
March 1, 1788:
Went back to Bordentown.
March 2, 1788:
Preached at Bordentown,
went back to Trenton.
March 3, 1788:
Went to the meeting house at Trenton and there were considerable people. In the
afternoon, I went back to the Draw Bridge (at Bordentown) and had an evening meeting with a vast number of people.
David and I set off pretty early and we got to [ ] and lodged at Dutch Tavern.
March 5, 1788:
New Brunswick. David left a bundle and had to go back. At New Brunswick, went to see Rev. Munteeth, and then to Dr. Scott.
At Dr. Scott's, Peter was found; he had been straggling about a fortnight. In the evening there was a society and I spoke
a few words by way of exhortation. Afterwards, we returned to Dr. Scott's, where we lodged.
March 6, 1788:
several houses, and preached at the Presbyterian church. There was a large number of people. I lodged at Dr. Scott's and David
and Peter lodged in another house.
March 7, 1788:
Left New Brunswick and stopped at Woodbridge. Passed on to Elisabeth
Town and arrived there just before sunset. Went on to Newark and arrived there in the evening and stayed at a public house.
March 8, 1788:
Got up early and went to the Newark Mountains to visit Mr. Chapman. He was ill, so we went on to Crain
[End of this portion of the journal.]
Life of Occom, p. 295
The exact date of Occom's removal
from his old home to Tuscarora is not known. A young Stockbridge Indian, John Quinney, who was at Orange Dale Academy, wrote
him, January 26, 1792, that one Samuel Littleman had arrived there on the twenty-first, and had informed him that his minister
" was about to move with his family to our village, which he had long wished for." This letter was addressed to Occom at Muhheconnuck.
He removed, therefore, about the middle of January, and into a house about a mile from Tuscarora village, probably owned by
some of his friends. Perhaps he did not intend to remain there permanently. A little land would have been sufficient for his
purposes, for he had returned to his old trade of manufacturing woodenware.
Was Samuel Littleman a Stockbridge,
or Delaware? He was to have delivered a message from Occom, while on his way to New Jersey in December 1791. Littleman visited
Quinney in January 1792, as noted above.
Next piece from the new book:
Occom to Wheelock
November 12, 1756
12th Nov.r 1756 -
Rev & Hond Sir
I have only a Moment
Liesure to hint that when I return'd to my Indians last Fall in October I was recd by ym with unfeigned Testimonies of yr
affectionate Regard and was not only useful but comfortable among them till December after when to our surprise & great
unhappiness we were much discomforted by ye unexpected disaffection of ye neighbouring Delawares below. My Indians faithfully
laboured to reduce them to a good Temper [...] cause them to desist their Hostilities upon ye Sou[thern] Provinces, where
in Conjunction with the Fren[ch] [page torn] affairs of ye Delawares was not like to be comfortably settled and yt they could
not advise me to continue with them in apparent state of [word crossed out] Things. For if I should be captivated or killed
there it might be unhappy for them, as it forever deprived them of a Father and a Friend. If I should be barbarously murdered
among them or fall into ye Hands of my Enimies in any respect, they said that they should never forget it ?It being only was
for their Sakes that I first came into their Country and now [co]uld have no other Motive to continue among them [page torn]
Providence however [crossing] wch appear against my returning to my People, they having sent to me just before I left Lake
George desiring my return & advising me that it was their Opinion that I might do it safely, I [word illegible] upon and
expected before now to be in their Country at least had hopes [...]
Editor Jeanna Brooks noted about this
Bethlem: Occom probably wrote this letter from the town of Bethlehem, Connecticut. However, the content of
the letter, which describes the situation of the Lenape, also raises the possibility that he wrote it from Bethel, New Jersey,
a Christian Indian settlement organized among the Lenape by David and John Brainerd in 1747. At this time, the Lenape community
was also developing ties to Moor's Indian Charity School: John Pumpshire and Jacob Woolley, both Delaware, enrolled in 1754,
and Joseph Woolley and Hezekiah Calvin, also Delaware, arrived at the school in April 1757.
Friends Indian Committee Records - Misc. Documents
Aupaumut to Calvin Col. 968 Box 8 Haverford
January [ ] 1802
New Stockbridge [ ] Jany. 1802
Our Chiefs with our Young Men held a Council Yesterday on purpose to send a few words to your Nation, we commit our
speech in Writing. ?I hope it will come to your ears in due time. ?
If the great & good Spirit affords his aid
we may yet see the desirable event to see Each others faces every day by the side of our fire place during our lives. - -
it would be a matter of rejoicing -- The sound of which would soon reach the Ears of our Brethren the distant tribes of Indians,
who reside toward the Sun setting. I hope the great good spirit will put it into the hearts of your white brothers who reside
near and around your fire place to afford their assistance to you. ?that you may be enabled to pack up your little Dish &
Mat & follow the path which leads hither. But if it should be otherwise, in case you are not allow'd to pack up what you
& we call your own Dish ?Still I think it would be better for your people to leave it as it stands; for you can have better
privileges here than what you enjoy there; among other privileges I believe that your white brothers do not constantly teach
you to know the Word or Will of the great good spirit, nor learn your Children to write A. B. C. which you may or can enjoy
here with us freely. My friend, your young Isaac Skikit has lived with me ever since he arriv'd. I am highly pleased with
his good conduct he is esteem'd by all my people, he is a sober Industrous young man.
Respecting news from the Western
Indians, one of our young men has lately returned from the Westward after he had been out from home five months, went as far
as a Town called Fairfield on River De French, near Detroit, accompany'd with a Missionary. - - he brought back the following
news: - - The Tuscarora Nation who reside near Niagara, received and accepted Religion las Summer, &c, The Senaca Nation
who reside near Buffalo Creek, also receiv'd the Same on the begining of last month. - - The Delawares, Shawnees and Miamies,
also manifest their wishes to hear Something of such a nature they reside at a place called Waupekommequok [Woapicamikunk,
White River, Indiana] on Wabash river near 300 Miles from here - -
I will aso [also] send a Copy of a Law which repects
our Nation &c.
And may the good Spirit bless you
Copy of a Letter
Delawares to Philadelphia Yearly Meeting, Indian Committee
Col. AA41 Box 1
December 13, 1819
Very greatly esteemed friends )
We humbly take the liberty to inform
you, that we the chiefs of a small band of the Delaware Tribe, who removed about seventeen years since from the State of New
Jersey, having always looked up to the people called quakers, as our fathers protectors & friends, would now humbly look
up to you as such, & like little children when agrieved look up to their parents for redress. We have been recently informed
that Josiah Foster Esqr. (who formerly was our Com.n & in whose friendship we had ever placed the greatest confidences)
has taken the advantage of our ignorance & poverty, together with the great distance we are from our ancient fire places
& has taken away in some of your great courts, the last remaining piece of land we had in the State of New Jersey. Said
Foster, has repeatedly offered us $2000. to give him possession of said property, but we ever refused to receive the said
offer, fully believing that if said business was brought before any court of justice, the Judges would give it into our favor,
as the Judges did in the orphans court holden in Mount Holly in the State of New Jersey aforesaid, where we shall ever think
said Foster, as well as ourselves, had a fair hearing & trial. We now look up to you then for as poor fatherless children,
with a full confidence that if there is a possibility of having justice done, in said business, you will assist us thento.
And we as hereby return you our heart & sincere thanks, for the many favors received from you, particularly in the instance
(which our forefathers have repeatedly told us) of your preventing the Paxton boys when they attempted to cross the Delaware
River & to cut us off. And we now humbly beg (if possible) you will by your wisdom & powerful influence, prevent said
Foster from feeding his insatiab[le] appetite, on the little, as well as, last remaining piece of land we have in the State
of New Jersey. We fully believe, that our ancient deceas'd friend John Wills of the City of Burlington, did his utmost, in
order to secure said lands from going into the hands of any white person, while there was any Indians in existence who had,
or pretended the least claim to said land. The deed he gave to the three brothers mentions, in six places "to them & to
their progeny forever (& in three other places) to them their generation,offspring, stock or kindred, or to such of them
as the said land may descend, according to the customs used among the said Indians, so long as the waters run in the rivers
Delaware & Rancocus? These words mentioned in said deed, has ever caused us to think, that said property was only a life
estate, that, the moment the person claiming died, it descended to the next in order. And as we never heard of an instance
of an Indian devising lands to a white person, & the said pretend will obtained under such glaringly circumstances of
fraud, leads us to think, he ought not have it.
We therefore again humbly beg you will use your wisdom & powerful
influence, in order that we may have justice done us in said business.
And may the allwise Spirit direct you in this &
every important turn of live, is the sincere prayer of your ever respectful friends, & poor red children
13th. Dec.r 1819 Barth.w Calvin
In behalf of the whole
P.S. Should you
think it proper to send an answer to this our humble speach you will please to direct the same to us in New Stockbridge to
be left at the Post Office in Augusta.
To be handed to any
of the leading Characters
of the people called Quakers, but more
properly universal Friends in the City of
Please note that the $2000 offered by Foster to the Delawares at New Stockbridge was the exact same amount Calvin
received from the NJ Legislature in 1832, many years later. I believe this figure was arrived at based upon the Foster offer,
and not by any objective standard of true value of the hunting & fishing rights. Of course, both the 1801 law and the
1832 law dealing with the NJ Delaware violated the US Constitution.
Friends Subscription to Brotherton
Haverford Col. 968 Box 8
Whereas a School hath lately been established among the Indians
at Brotherton, at their Request, by the assistance of Friends; which hath occasioned some little Expence, chiefly the purchasing
for them a few necessary School Books. We the Subscribers, not forgetting the Kindnesses done by their fore Fathers to ours,
do freely give the respective sum fixed against each of our Names for defraying the said Expence, and like uses for the benefit
of the said School, hoping the same may be of advantage to the rising Generation. [expressed in shillings and pence]
Rogers 2. 6
Joshua Lippincott 2. 6
Enoch Evans 2. 6
Samuel Allison 2.
Samuel Evans 2. 6
John Maxwell junr.
Samuel Darnol 1.
John Haines junr. 1. 6
Lawrence Webster 1. 6
John Haines Senr 1. 6
Isaac Borton 2.
John Farr 1.
Joshua Owen 1. 6
Job Collins 1. 6 and one-half
Joseph Engle 1. 6
Wilkins 1. 6
Robert Howy 1. 6 and one-half
Josiah Borton 1.
1pound 12p 9s
Funds for Bartholomew Calvin
Haverford College Col. 968 Box
May 17, 1832
Bartholomew Calvin, one of that part of the Delaware Tribe of Indians formerly resident at Edgepeling,
in this State, and now residing at Green Bay in Michigan Territory, being at present in this neighbourhood on some business
for his Tribe, We the Subscribers, considering the reduced situation of this People, once the lords and propriators of the
soil on which we are now settled in ease and comfort, do agree to contribute the sums respective by affixed to our names,
to be paid over to the said Bartholomew Calvin, for the use of the said People at Green Bay, nevertheless we leave him at
liberty to expend such parts of it as may be necessary whilst he is engaged in prosecuting the present business on behalf
of his Tribe.
Burlington County 1832
1832. 5 Mo 17th Received from Wm
Allinson Forty five Dollars in
of the foregoing Subscriptions
As much of which, as may be
Necessary to be used in bear-
ing my expenses home;
And any part thereof which
May be left is to be given to my
Tribe as a Donation from
Friends of Burlington.
$6 given to me [ ] mo. 30th to pay my
expences in Trenton.
1.62 ?paid for a pair of new Shoes by W.
37.37 ?Paid to Barthw. Calvin by W. A.
5. mo 17th 1832.
Saml Hunter Twenty Dollars
Allinson Three Dol.
Thomas Collins Pd W.A. 5.
Joshua R Smith Pd WA 3.
Nathl. Coleman Pd WA 2.
Pd WA $1.
Saml J. Smith paid WA 5.
Robert Thomas Pd WA 2.
R. Jones pd WA 2.
Recd. The above sum
S. Calvin $45.
Trenton February 27th 1832.
Dear Sir, & much esteemed friend.
should deem myself a monster of ingratitude, was I not to return you, your mother & your other near & dear connections
at home, my humble & sincere thanks for your goodness, manifested towards me, while I was at your house, & for the
sample you gave me to, to lay before the committee. It so far excelled my abilities respect- the same, that I now again, humbly
request your assistance, in returning my most humble thanks, to all those gentlemen, who have in the last degree, been interested
in our cause, respecting our fishers &c. (ie) should we succeed, to the obtaining something, by way of remuneration, for
what we shall ever look upon as our just right. Should you condescend to comply with this my humble request, it shall ever
be gratefully remembered by,
Dear sir your most obedient
And very humble Servant
Bartholomew S. Calvin
Mr. Sameul Allinson
Col. 968 Box 8
Moravian Records (on-going updates)
Interments near the Crown Inn, near Bethlehem, PA
From: The Crown in near Bethlehem, Penna. 1745
By Wm. C. Reichel, 1872; King
& Baird, Printers, Philadelphia, PA
of the Old Grave-Yard on the hill, on the south side of the Lehigh, near the intersection of Second and Ottawa Streets.
The following interments made in this place of burial, in the interval between Janary of 1747 and October
of 1763, are extracted from official records. [Only American Indian individuals are given in full detail. There is also a
map of the area, with the location of the cemetery shown. Finally, according to a conversation with a person at the Bethlehem
Historical Society, the graves were removed to God’s Acre; I have no independent verification of this statement RSW.]
1. Margaret [European immigrant]
2. Margaret, daughter
of Peter and Ann Hoffman of Macungy.
3. John Fahs of Saucon township.
Adam, infant son of Peter and Ann Hoffman
5. Henry, alias Notematwemat (signifying in the
Unami Delaware, “one who can’t hold great mountains” a Delaware Indian, born at “the time when corn
was being hoed a second time” in 1731, in an Indian town in West Jersey, opposite Hunter’s Settlement, now Lower
Mount Bethel. Baptized at Bethlehem in January of 1749, died 13th February, 1752. [Two of his daughters were buried in God’s
Acre Moravian Cemetery in Bethlehem during the 1740s. See also, Axel Utz: Faint & Starving … at: www.wfu.edu/history/Events/Moravians/papers/utz_moravian_atlantic1.doc ]
6. Henry, a Delaware, infant son of the above, died 24th February, 1752.
7. Luke, a Delaware, deceased 14th January, 1757.
8. Abraham, a Delaware,
son of Jonathan and Verona of the Gnadenhutten Mission, died 2d July 1757.
9. William Tatamy,
a son of Moses Tatamy (interpreter to David Brainerd during his residence in the Forks of the Delaware), a Delaware, attached
to the Presbyterian Church in Northampton County, died 9th August, 1757, in the house of John Jones of Bethlehem township,
from the effects of a gunshot wound received at the hands of a white boy in the Craig Settlement, while on his way with Tadeuskundt’s
Indians from Fort Allen to Easton to a treaty.
10. Johanna, a Delaware from Lechawachneek
(Pittston) [midpoint city between Wilkes-Barre and Scranton], one of Tadeuskundt’s company, died 9th August 1757, immediately
after baptism, administered on the Simpson Tract by Rev. Jacob Schmick.
11. Lazara, a Delaware,
died 3d September, 1757.
12. Christiana, a Delaware, infant daughter of Nathaniel and Pricilla,
deceased 28th November, 1757.
13. A Delaware boy aged seven years, died 3d February, 1758.
14. Justina, a Delaware, died 22d March, 1759.
Froneck, a white boy who drowned Int’d 2d June 1760.
16. Andrew Morrison [a visitor]
died 31st March, 1761.
17. Capt. Jacob Wetherhold of the Province Service, commanded a Lieutenant
in Major Parson’s town-guard, 20th December, 1755. Mortally wounded in the affair at John Stenton’s in Allen township,
on 8th October, 1763. Died at the Crown 9th October, 1763.